“Where International Law Goes to Die”: Mechanisms Blocking Justice
for Journalists and Civil Society
Funeral of Al Jazeera cameraman Samer Abu Daqqa, killed while on
assignment on December 15, 2023 (Credit: AFP).
By Mariana Abreu
Additional reporting by Eloïse Layan and Magdalena Hervada
(Forbidden Stories), Maria Retter (Paper Trail Media)
Since 2001, Israeli fire has claimed the lives of nearly 200
journalists—170 of them since the war on Gaza began. Yet, even in
the most extreme cases, Israel has failed to hold anyone
accountable. In the second phase of the Gaza Project, Forbidden
Stories and its partners found that Israel maneuvered to obstruct
investigations into its military’s role in civilian deaths.
Key findings
Journalists’ deaths, even in cases of apparent targeting, go
unpunished.
Internal documents and sources point to a coordinated effort
by Israeli ministries and NGOs with ties to the Israeli
government to crackdown on Israeli, Palestinian, and foreign
civil society fighting for justice.
The accountability mechanisms put in place by the Israeli
military try to prevent the International Criminal Court from
identifying and investigating cases.
Journalists and NGOs have been labeled as terrorists without
Israel providing substantial evidence to support these claims.
On December 15, 2023, cameraman Samer Abu Daqqa was filming the
destruction of Khan Yunis, in southern Gaza, when he was hit by an
Israeli drone. Critically wounded, Abu Daqqa was refused medical
aid for over five hours as ambulances were blocked from reaching
him. Rescuers later found his body torn to pieces, his press vest
leaning against a wall.
On May 11, 2022, Al Jazeera reporter Shireen Abu Akleh arrived at
Balat Al Shuhada’ Street in the occupied West Bank city of Jenin
to cover an Israeli army raid on a nearby refugee camp. Despite
her protective gear and a vest clearly marked “PRESS,” she was
shot in the head by an Israeli sniper and declared dead soon
after.
On April 6, 2018, Yasser Murtaja, a 30-year-old photographer from
Gaza and co-founder of Ain Media Production Company, was covering
a protest near the border while wearing a vest marked “PRESS”,
when, shortly after noon, he too was shot by an Israeli sniper. He
was pronounced dead 12 hours later.
In life, Yasser, Shireen, and Samer shared a homeland and a press
vest. In death, they share a void of accountability. Their cases
were handed to the Israeli army's legal unit, but no one was ever
held responsible. Israeli officials first blamed Palestinian
gunmen for Abu Akleh’s death, before admitting an Israeli soldier
likely fired the shot. Yet no criminal nor disciplinary action was
taken. (The Israeli army and the Military Advocate General did not
comment on the status of the inquiries into the deaths of Murtaja
and Abu Daqqa.)
Since the start of Israel’s war on Gaza, following Hamas’s October
7 terror attacks, over 170 journalists have been killed, making it
the deadliest conflict for the press since the Committee to
Protect Journalists began tracking data in 1992. Prior to this
war, and dating back to 2001, Israeli fire claimed the lives of at
least 18 Palestinian journalists and two foreign reporters.
According to CPJ, no one has ever been charged or held
accountable.
After drawing international attention, the deaths of Murtaja, Abu
Akleh, and Abu Daqqa were handed to the army’s General Staff
Mechanism for Fact-Finding Assessment (FFAM) – only to vanish into
opacity. Established in 2014, the FFAM conducts preliminary
inquiries into suspected war crimes and advises the Military
Advocate General on whether to open criminal investigations. In
May 2024, the Israeli military reported that it was reviewing
hundreds of incidents that occurred during the Gaza war.
(The Israeli army and the Military Advocate General did not
comment on the status of the inquiries into the deaths of
Murtaja and Abu Daqqa.)
“Set to fail”
Expectations of accountability remain low. “It takes years, and
even if there’s a decision to open an investigation, the
information that was used in the assessment is off limits and
secret,” Yahav Erez, International Advocacy Coordinator at Israeli
NGO Yesh Din, says. “It’s set to fail.”
In 2024, Yesh Din, an organization dedicated to protecting the
rights of Palestinians living under occupation, published a report
revealing that out of the 664 complaints addressed to the FFAM
over the past decade, 81.6% were closed without investigation, and
only 0.17% resulted in prosecution.
“One should not expect a high number of indictments relating to
operational conduct,” Dr. Eran Shamir-Borer, Director of the
Center for Security and Democracy at the Israel Democracy
Institute, and former Head of IDF International Law Department at
the Military Advocate General's Corps, told Forbidden Stories.
“Look at any military around the world – the UK, Australia, the
USA... Indictments are extremely rare.” The existence of such a
legal department in of itself, Shamir-Borer said, “is an
indication of the importance that the IDF ascribes to
international law.”
Experts and international organizations suggest that the FFAM is,
rather than a tool for accountability, a way to shield Israel from
international scrutiny and prosecution.
Specifically, by tying up investigations in drawn out domestic
procedures, Israel can forestall the efforts of the International
Criminal Court, which prosecutes individuals for war crimes,and
which operates under a principle known as complementarity, meaning
that a case is not admissible if there is a genuine attempt to
prosecute the same crimes before a domestic court.
The International Criminal Court (ICC)
An internal memo from the Israeli State Attorney's Office, which
Forbidden Stories was able to review, acknowledges that while
investigation mechanisms are vital for the rule of law, they also
serve as a “protective layer for the state and those who act on
its behalf against the exercise of authority by international
tribunals and foreign courts.” In other words, in the view of the
Israeli government, its justice system insulates the army from
global instruments of accountability.
Experts told Forbidden Stories that, with respect to the deaths of
these journalists, Israel has not fulfilled its responsibilities
under international law, making it appropriate for the ICC to step
into the void they’ve created. On the rare occasions where there
are convictions, “the penalties are utterly insignificant in
relation to the seriousness of the offences,” François Dubuisson,
a professor of International Law at the Université libre de
Bruxelles, added.
In response to an inquiry by the consortium, the Israeli Ministry
of Justice replied that, should “credible allegations raise
concerns that a violation of international humanitarian law may
have been committed, the Israeli legal system is willing and able
to examine these allegations,” it added that it is “better
equipped to do so than foreign or international courts.”
Crackdown on civil society
Exploiting the principle of complementarity isn’t the only tactic
by which Israel protects itself from scrutiny. In our
investigation, the consortium found that the Israeli Ministry of
Justice coordinated not only with its colleagues in the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs but also with sympathetic corners of civil
society to try to cut funding to organizations leading legal
procedures both in Israeli and international courts. Among the key
players in this effort was NGO Monitor, a right-wing Israeli
advocacy group that campaigns against international organizations
critical of Israel.
According to information obtained by Itamar Benzaquen, a reporter
for The Seventh Eye and member of the consortium, NGO Monitor is
part of a network of organizations with close ties to the former
Ministry of Strategic Affairs, as revealed by internal documents
from 2020.
Leaked emails from the Israeli Ministry of Justice, obtained by
the non-profit Distributed Denial of Secrets and shared with
Forbidden Stories, also show regular exchanges between NGO Monitor
and senior ministry officials. These discussions focused on
undermining legal efforts by various civil society groups, notably
the Norwegian Refugee Council, a European NGO providing legal and
humanitarian aid to displaced communities around the world,
notably in Palestine.
(In response to an inquiry from Forbidden Stories, NGO Monitor
stated its research and analysis is “available for use by all
stakeholders,” and that it encourages “governments around the
world to adopt more responsible, transparent, and accountable
policies as pertains to NGO activity and funding.” The Ministry of
Justice did not respond to our questions regarding the Norwegian
Refugee Council.)
In 2021, Israel designated six Palestinian NGOs as terrorist
organizations, leading the European Union and some of its
countries to suspend the organization’s previous’ funding for a
year. “Neither in our internal nor external auditing exercises did
we find any evidence of violation of the contractual and financial
obligations of the NGOs that had signed grant agreements with the
EU,” Sven Kühn von Burgsdorff, then Head of the EU Delegation to
the West Bank, Gaza Strip and the United Nations Relief and Works
Agency, said.
The same conclusion was reached by the Foreign Ministries of
Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, the
Netherlands, Spain and Sweden, according to whom “no substantial
information was received from Israel that would justify reviewing
our policy towards the six Palestinian NGOs,” a joint statement
reads.
“Palestinian organizations probably have the highest scrutiny, due
diligence and compliance checks compared to any other civil
society in the world,” said Brad Parker, Associate Director of
Policy at the US advocacy group Center for Constitutional Rights,
who previously served as a legal advisor with Defense for Children
International-Palestine, one of the six Palestinian civil society
organizations cleared by the EU proceedings.
“In the context of EU funding for projects in Palestine, we were
very closely watched by the Israeli government and its
intelligence services, as well pro-Israel advocacy groups,” von
Burgsdorff added.
“No innocent civilians”
Accusations of terror links have also been widely leveled against
journalists killed in Gaza. Among them, Al Jazeera correspondent
Ismail Al Ghoul was killed in an Israeli drone strike on July 31,
2024. To justify the attack, the Israeli army released an edited
screenshot of a file they claimed was retrieved from a Hamas
computer. The document showed that Al Ghoul, born in 1997, had
attained a Hamas engineering military rank in 2007 – when he would
have been just 10 years old.
Yasser Murtaja filming with a drone, via Facebook
At the time of his death in 2018, Murtaja was labeled by
then-Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman as "a member of the
military arm of Hamas.” Liberman, who never provided evidence to
support his allegations, also stated that “there were no innocent
civilians” at the Great March of Return, during which more than
6,000 unarmed demonstrators were injured by military snipers,
according to a UN report. But the Washington Post reported that
Murtaja had previously been vetted by the U.S. government to
receive a U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) grant
to support Ain Media, suggesting that the strict US vetting
process had cleared him of militant ties.
“Attempts to smear, delegitimize, and criminalize journalists who
are doing their job are outrageous and irresponsible, as they put
journalists at further risk,” CPJ told the consortium.
To gain further insight, the consortium spoke with three former
Israeli soldiers, including an ex-officer, who were deployed in
Gaza or its immediate surroundings last year. All three stated
that the Israeli army does not precisely distinguish between
civilians and militants – a situation that they said also affects
journalists.
The portrayal of Palestinians as terrorists is also taking a toll
on organizations advocating for accountability. The Gisha Legal
Center for Freedom of Movement, an Israeli NGO working to secure
medical evacuations for civilians in Gaza, said Supreme Court
hearings have been repeatedly disrupted by far-right convoys.
“Physically, they [the institutions] are still open to us,” said
Executive Director Tania Hary. “We're able to submit petitions to
the courts. But I would say that there’s certainly a hostility
that we experience by the state representatives, by judges
sometimes themselves, making disparaging comments, as if we’re
representing the enemy, so to speak.”
In February, the Israeli parliament approved an amendment to the
law of associations, seeking to block any cooperation with the ICC
and to criminalize individuals who assist the court, with
penalties including prison time. “The activity of the
International Criminal Court in The Hague ... poses a real danger
to the rule of law in the State of Israel,” the bill’s explanatory
note reads.
“If you claim to be a democracy, then you should be more willing
to engage with being called to account,” Dr. Wouter Werner, a
professor of international law at the Centre for the Politics of
Transnational Law, said. “If you invoke the rule of law to avoid
accountability, what kind of concept of democracy do you have?”
Efforts to undermine international jurisdiction also targeted the
ICC itself. According to the State Attorney’s Office memo,
authorities successfully closed “dozens of criminal and civil
cases worldwide against the state and its high officials, thus it
delayed and prevented an ICC investigation into Israel for over a
decade.”
In May, a joint investigation by The Guardian and +972 Magazine, a
member of the consortium, revealed that top Israeli government
officials and former Head of Mossad Yossi Cohen led a nine-year
surveillance operation targeting the ICC and Palestinian rights
groups to try and derail war crimes prosecution, a tactic
international law experts qualify as “completely unlawful and
illegitimate.”
Israel’s growing hostility towards the court goes deep into the
army’s legal branches meant to uphold international law. “Well,
here you're talking about the leading monkey court in the world,”
Lt-Colonel Maurice Hirsch, former Chief Military Prosecutor who
served in the Military Advocate General’s Corps, said of the ICC.
“I think people have high expectations that criminal law would be
the answer to the tragedies of war. But even in democratic
countries with strong commitment to the rule of law it's never the
answer,” former head of the Military Advocate General Shamir-Borer
added.
Shireen Abu Akleh (Source: Al Jazeera Network)
Meanwhile, the families of the slain journalists find no solace.
Three years on, Abu Akleh’s niece describes the increasing attacks
on journalists as “very triggering.” “Had someone been held
accountable for killing a journalist even far before Shireen was
targeted and killed, we would still have Shireen now,” Lina Abu
Akleh said. “But unfortunately, there's a cycle of impunity that
continues to be repeated.”
“The international order is collapsing, because it has been unable
to put an end to this war, and to 75 years of conflict and
occupation, despite having all the necessary mechanisms to do so,”
Dr Insaf Rezagui, researcher in International Law at the Institut
Français du Proche-Orient, told Forbidden Stories. “Palestine is
where international law goes to die.”
This investigation was completed with support from ARIJ