Modern American and European weapons available on the roadside
in Sanaa
Anwar Dehaq and Ahmed Al-Wasai
(pseudonyms)
09/01/2025
This investigation documents the smuggling into Yemen of US and
European light weapons and newly made ammunition and their
proliferation on the streets of Sanaa, in violation of UN
resolutions.
In 2018, the Small Arms Survey brought out a report on the
prevalence of firearms among civilians in different countries.
This report found that Yemen was the Arab country with the highest
level of civilian gun ownership, with a total of 15 millions
pieces of weapons. The Small Arms Survey says that in 2021, these
and other weapons were responsible for the deaths of about 20,000
Yemenis.
This is in spite of UN Security Council Resolution 2117, which
restricts the supply of small and light weapons and ammunition in
conflict areas to protect civilians from misuse. UNSC Resolution
2216 also prohibits the supply of weapons to groups and
individuals in Yemen, including the Houthis.
In this investigation, we show that small arms and light weapons
are continuing to flow into Yemen. By touring actual markets in
Sanaa and trawling through social media sites, we found dozens of
American and European handguns, rifles, and ammunition - some
newly manufactured - being sold openly in the city without
restriction.
Some of these weapons and ammunition are even used by a security
company which is contracted to provide security services to UN
agencies, including training police officers of Facilities and
Protecting Public Figures entity affiliated with the Interior
Ministry of the Sanaa, (Houthis controlled) government.
Opening shot
Five Yemeni dealers at various times advertise weapons and
ammunition for sale on the social networking sites Facebook and X
(formerly Twitter).
Some of these weapons are made in the US and Europe, such as
Austrian and American Glock pistols, M4A1 rifles, and American
Beretta and Smith & Wesson handguns.
Facebook and X ban any posts that promote firearms or ammunition. X,
however, has blocked this type of content on the accounts of only
one of the five dealers.
Wolf-Christian Paes, a former member of the UN Security Panel of
Experts, says that the source of Western weapons that came into
Yemen after 2015 was the Saudi-led military coalition, which
launched Operation Decisive Storm against the Houthis. “We know
these weapons seeped into the black market, but there are no figures
for the numbers smuggled in," he adds.
And it is not difficult to get hold of these weapons. We confirmed
this by posing as prospective buyers of handguns and rifles; We
contacted one of the dealers, who asked nothing about who we were or
what we wanted the weapons for. He just sent us pictures of a whole
range of new and used guns.
One of the weapons this dealer posted on Facebook in November 2023
was a Grand Power handgun. Based on the information on the back of
the gun, a weapons expert - who did not want his name or the name of
his organisation used - identified Slovakia as the country where it
had been made in 2023, i.e. only a few months before it reached the
dealer.
The UN Register of Conventional Arms (UNROCA) database indicates
that Slovakia, an EU member state, had not sent any shipments of
small or light weapons to Yemen before.
Conventional weapons are small, light and heavy weapons. Handguns,
machine guns and semi-automatic rifles are classified as small and
light weapons.
The UNROCA database is the main source of information when it comes
to researching the international arms trade. Over 90 percent of all
arms transactions are recorded there.
Shops or weapons depots?
To verify if the images posted on social media were genuine, we
decided to make a field trip to the Yemeni markets in Sanaa, where
weapons are openly on sale.
While we were there, we took photos of dozens of American, Brazilian
and European-made handguns. From this visit and from online searches
we documented eight models of handguns on the market, made in the
US, Brazil and Europe between 2017 and 2023.
We also noticed a prevalence of US-made fifth-generation Glock X19
handguns. These versions began to reach the market at the beginning
of 2018, after the outbreak of war and after the UN resolution
restricting supply of weapons to Yemen came into force.
Andrei Serbin Pont - Regional Representative of the Global
Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict and Director of the
Regional Coordinator of Economic and Social Research (CRIES) -
analysed some of our photos of handguns. He said that the
information that appeared on the Glock indicated that it was a
genuine US-made pistol. He added that most of the sales made from
Glock headquarters (in the US) went to countries that could not buy
directly from the company's base in Austria.
Some of the advertised handguns also had instruction manuals and
bags bearing the manufacturer’s name and were also well packaged,
showing that they had never been used.
According to the UNROCA database, the US has never sent small or
light weapons to Yemen, but only armoured vehicles that it exported
in 2006.
This database suggests that Yemen has not legally imported any
handguns since 2010, and that only around 7,500 Italian and
Turkish-made handguns have been exported there since 1992. This
raises the question of the source of these widely available guns,
especially those newly made, after the passing of the UN resolution
restricting arms supplies to Yemen.
Executive Director of Action on Armed Violence Dr Iain Overton says
that countries neighbouring Yemen which have seen armed conflict
have become a repository for old weapons. Following the Iraq war,
the US military lost about half a million pieces of weapons, and
with the ongoing conflict in Somalia, large quantities of weapons
have been smuggled onto the black market in Yemen. There is also an
organised smuggling system inside Yemen to bring in various types of
weapons.
In Yemen, Law 40 was issued in 1992, to regulate the carrying and
trafficking of firearms and ammunition. It allowed people to carry
weapons as long as they had a license, renewable every three years.
Then, in July 2007, the Ministry of Interior cancelled the licensing
of arms for individuals in the capital, Sanaa, and provincial
capitals, as part of its efforts to limit the prevalence of weapons.
At that time, the Yemeni organisation Dar Al-Salaam (DASO),
estimated that there were over nine million small arms in civilian
hands in Yemen.
What came to be known as the “ban on carrying of weapons in
provincial capitals” remained in force until the demonstrations
began against the regime of former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah
Saleh in 2011, although there were doubts about how effective that
ban was , especially regarding the ability of the state to stop arms
trafficking.
Events in Yemen snowballed afterward, and, with the emergence of the
protests in 2011, sporadic clashes broke out between Al-Qaeda
elements in the country and the Yemeni army, and also between the
army and the Houthis. These conflicts reached a peak in 2014 when
the Houthis took over Sanaa. The conflict in Yemen then further
expanded with the formation of the Saudi-led military coalition in
2015 and the launch of its operation against the Houthis.
In 2013, the UN had warned against the misuse of small arms and
light weapons in conflict areas, through Resolution 2117.
Then, after the Houthis took power, the UN Security Council issued
Resolution 2216, which included a ban on supplying weapons and
ammunition to the Houthis and to the former president, Ali Abdullah
Saleh.
Throughout this period, the UN had observed an increase in the
smuggling into Yemen of light and small weapons. It estimated that
there were tens of thousands of such weapons and millions of round
of ammunition in the country.
After the protests emerged in 2011, the arms trade flourished and
estimates of the number of weapons in civilian hands rose from nine
million to 15 million in 2017.
Prices for new weapons range from two thousand US dollars to four
thousand for a new US Glock X19 pistol. The fact that this is ten
times the price for the same handgun on the official market shows
how profitable this trade is, and also reflects the cost of
illegally importing the gun into Yemen, which is added onto the
final price tag for the end user.
Wolf-Christian Paes, the former member of the Panel of Experts on
Yemen, says: “I’m frequently astonished at the increasing cost of
weapons in Yemen, even though handguns are of limited military
value. Even getting ammunition for them can be a costly business in
Yemen.”
Paes adds that the arms embargo applies to the Houthis, but does not
cover the regions ruled by this armed group. So if someone was
looking to acquire a weapon, they can go to these areas under Houthi
control.
As journalists we approached an arms dealer, whom we had observed
selling US and European weapons in Sanaa. We asked how legitimate
his business was and where he obtained the weapons and the license
to sell them. He refused to answer, saying: “This is something that
would cause me problems.”
UN funding for training of government forces
This dealer had appeared in a video on “X”, carrying an M4A1 rifle -
made by a subsidiary of US company Colt - saying that he was
visiting a shooting range, run by the company Peregrine Security and
Safety Ltd, to try out the weapons and ammunition he had on sale in
his store.
The Peregrine website states that the company has provided insurance
services to high-level agencies like the World Health Organization.
When we contacted Peregrine, they provided us with a list of the
weapons they use. They include US -made Glock pistols, Russian
Kalashnikovs, and US American M4A1 rifles, similar to the one that
appeared in the arms dealer's video.
We also noticed the inclusion of German MP5 rifles on the company’s
weapons list. Germany exported only 34 semi-automatic and assault
rifles to Yemen between 2014 and 2016, and their use was limited to
the UN mission.
Another surprising item appearing on the company’s arms list was
7.62x39mm IK ammunition, made by the Bosnian company Igman in 2019,
despite the fact that UN Security Council Resolution 2216 also
restricts the supply of ammunition to Yemen.
In response, Peregrine says it does not hold any licenses to import
weapons from abroad, as this is beyond the scope of its work. The
company says it has no modern weapons and uses only old generation
ones, principally fourth-generation Glocks, Kalashnikovs, and
US-made M4A1s.
Despite this, the UN Register of Conventional Arms (UNROCA)
indicates that Yemen has never officially imported any of this type
of US-made weapon.
Regarding German-made MP5 rifles, Peregrine says that “a UN agency
(which it did not name) asked us to provide this weapon for training
purposes and for hiring. This meant we had to search the local
market for models, most of which were Saudi made. It was a difficult
job, because of the limited availability of these weapons and the
fact that they are not greatly sought after. Once we knew we had not
won the bid, we had to replace these rifles with more efficient
Russian ones.”
The company did not deny it was reliant on the newly manufactured
ammunition that we had seen. “When we are giving training programmes
we really want to get hold of new, undamaged or locally manufactured
ammunition. So we request new ammunition from the local market,” it
said.
The company advised us to go down to the local market (the black
market) to find out how this ammunition is bought and how it arrives
in Yemen.
Once we found out that the company had newly manufactured
ammunition, this prompted us to try and find when it had been
established. We obtained the registration document, which showed
that Peregrine had been set up in Sanaa in November 2018, i.e.,
about four years after the Houthis took power, a move not recognised
internationally.
In February 2020, less than two years after the company was
established, it won a contract – No. 004-2020 - worth $2,800 with
the UN Development Program (UNDP) in Yemen to train government
forces assigned to protecting UN facilities.
About six months later, the UNDP signed another training contract –
No. 0015-2020 – worth around $15,000 and lasting around four weeks.
Peregrine showed part of this training on its Facebook page,
featuring photos showing the use of weapons during the drills.
We also obtained a payment order dated July 2023, showing that the
UNDP had paid approximately $4,300 to the company to conduct
training for government forces.
In 2022, the UN Security Council renewed its resolution - paragraph
5 of Resolution 2624 (2022) – putting the Houthis on the list of
organisations subject to restrictions on the supply of arms and
ammunition. Among the grounds for this decision was that "the
Houthis have engaged in actions that threaten the peace, security
and stability of Yemen."
We furthermore obtained a document covering services provided by
Peregrine’s training centre, in which the company indicated that it
had conducted security and safety training for clients including UN
agencies, facility protection forces, personal protection officers
charged with protecting UN facilities, and civil society
organisations.
The document stated that the centre used in its training programmes
the various weapons and ammunition mentioned above as well as
training items, such as armour and helmets.
The Facilities Security and Public Figures Protection Police Force
comes under the Ministry of Interior in the Sanaa government, which
is not recognized internationally. The interior minister in the
government is Abdul Karim al-Houthi, brother of the father of the
Houthi leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi.
Data from the interior ministry in the Sanaa government indicate
that the facilities protection police carried out 2,748 security
missions and 437 field combat missions during 2022.
In the past, the administrative centre of the Facilities Security
and Public Figures Protection Police Force was the target of an
attack attributed by the Houthi interior ministry to “Saudi Arabia
and the United States,” which led to "the destruction of the
administration's infrastructure and facilities."
This force, although it received training by Peregrine, claims that
it now runs facilities where 50 security training course have been
held since 2023, focusing on guarding facilities and protecting
individuals.
According to Peregrine documents, the company’s work permits were
registered by Yahya Mohammed Ali Al-Sayani, Deputy Minister of
Transport and Works in the Sanaa government. He is also head of the
General Authority of Civil Aviation and worked as its deputy head
during 2019.
Before Al-Sayani held any official position, he was a persistent
critic of military operations against the Houthis and used his X
(formerly Twitter) account to attack the UN.
Dr Iain Overton advised us to “ask the UNDP whether this company
provided it with evidence that it had legal access to weapons before
awarding it a training contract.”
On the question of the newly manufactured ammunition, Overton adds:
“It’ll be important to confirm with the UNDP whether or not
Peregrine got an official exemption from the arms embargo
resolution.”
Former member of the Panel of Experts on Yemen Wolf-Christian Paes
agrees. He goes on to say that any training given to
Houthi-affiliated forces, including those assigned to protecting UN
facilities, is subject to the UN arms embargo on the Houthis. So a
request for an exemption must be submitted to and approved by the
Sanctions Committee, set up under Resolution 2140, before the
training takes place.
Peregrine did not respond to our query whether it had provided the
UNDP with evidence that it had legally acquired the weapons, saying
only that it had “provided all documents required in the tender
process.” Although the training was undertaken using arms, as we
observed, the company says that it provided only training materials,
training staff, and transport, while government forces used their
own weapons during the training.
The UNDP says that the UN entered into an agreement with the
Ministry of the Interior of the de facto authorities (the Houthis)
in 2017, to provide external security for its premises.
The UNDP also says that the purpose of the training was to ensure
compliance with the minimum professional standards required by the
UN Department of Safety and Security. On this basis the UNDP
contracted with Peregrine to train government forces, which were
assigned to protect their facilities, in dealing with suspicious
packages, riot control, safety skills, and handling of weapons.
When we asked the UNDP if it had looked into where the company
sourced its weapons and ammunition, it replied: “The way the
company’s weapons are used was beyond the scope of the training
mission, which was limited to providing guidance to government
forces in delivering security services to the UNDP in accordance
with international standards.” When we asked about Peregrine’s
connections to a government official, and the fact that the company
had only been established at the same time the UNDP took out a
contract with it, the UNDP maintained that it had carried out its
standard internal inspections and audits. These included consulting
the UN Security Council Consolidated (Sanctions) List, the UN
Ineligibility List, and the UNDP’s own internally excluded list.
Based on these reviews, the UNDP says: “It was not necessary to
contact the UN Sanctions Committee over this training programme.”
Smuggling by land and sea
The Panel of Experts on Yemen, set up by the UN Security Council,
reported that, between 2025 and 2022, border authorities seized a
total of 7,894 weapons, both light and small arms, that were being
smuggled to Yemen.
In June 2023, the Yemeni authorities seized a shipment of 40 boxes
containing unspecified models of handguns bearing the Glock GmbH
logo.
In August 2023, the anti-smuggling unit in Marib Governorate
impounded 14 American and Italian handguns. At the same time, the
Security Belt forces informed the Panel of Experts that they had
seized 30 handguns in Aden.
Smugglers habitually use border crossings between the Sultanate of
Oman and Yemen to bring in weapons. A report by the UN Office on
Drugs and Crime shows that, since the start of the war in Yemen,
efforts to combat the spread of weapons have focused on the maritime
route from Oman, because of the closure of airports in areas
controlled by the Houthis.
The UN report also found that the land border between Yemen and
Saudi Arabia “was bristling with weapons,” and Yemeni civilians
could use only two crossing points on the border with Oman. And one
of these is a freight port for commercial trucks, according to the
UN report.
Despite the fact that internationally recognized security forces
were deployed along the whole length of the roads from
Houthi-controlled areas to the Oman border, enforcement operations
in 2022 and 2023 revealed that weapons and other items were being
smuggled across the border to Houthi forces.
Since 2015, the Arabian Sea, south of Yemen, has become a focus of
arms smuggling. Between 2015 and 2023, 29,253 small and light
weapons and about 2,380,000 rounds of ammunition were seized there.
Wolf-Christian Paes, the former member of the Panel of Experts on
Yemen, says smugglers use dhows (small sail boats) to transport
weapons from Iran – either directly to the Yemeni coast on the Gulf
of Aden, or via Somalia after reloading the boats there.
According to the UN Office on Drugs and Crime report, new weapons
are smuggled in via this route. Once the weapons have passed through
the Gulf of Aden, they are transported on to the provinces of
Hadhramaut or Al-Mahra, and from there criminal networks smuggle
them across the desert to the Houthi areas.
A report from the UN Panel of Experts in 2017 pointed to the port of
Nishtun, in southeastern Yemen, as an unloading point for weapons.
Nishtun is a government-controlled port, so its use in smuggling
shows “a degree of corruption among officials,” according to the
panel’s report.
Map of smuggling routes
This is consistent with a 2021 report from the Yemeni government’s
Border Crossings Committee - of which we obtained a copy - entitled
“A Report on the Results of the Work of the Committee to Evaluate
and Rectify the Functioning of Land Crossings and Ports.” The report
states that local authorities instruct customs departments at ports
to release imports that should not be released or prevent the
release of imports for no reason.
The report adds that inspections at a number of ports had shown that
prohibited items were being brought in, using cars imported from the
US.
The Border Crossings Evaluation Committee declared that “records are
not kept of seized contraband, nor is the process of seizure
completed with perpetrators being referred for prosecution. Some
smuggled goods are even released on the instructions of the local
authorities.”
This investigation was completed with support from ARIJ
This investigation was published in Arabic on the following: